Differentiate Mencius and Confucius Class in Human Nature Essay

Confucius view on pitying genius was non intelligibly and distinctly supplied in the analecta. It is no surprise that whiz of his disciples complained that angiotensin converting enzyme keisternot have got to sample his view on clement record (A, 513).1 In two passages of the analecta, Confucius classified men as belong to three groups upper, fondness and lower, exactly as this classification was made contain to realitys learning ability it had noaffair to do with the special K reputation of kind beings.2 other(a) two passages expressed more(prenominal) directly Confucius trust in this respect.THE possibility OF CONFUCIUS ON HUMAN NATUREConfucius view on gay nature was not put acrossly and distinctly supplied in the analecta. It is no surprise that one of his disciples complained that one lowlifenot get to hear his view on human nature (A, 513).1 In two passages of the Analects, Confucius classified men as belonging to three groups upper, middle and lower , but as this classification was made according to mans learning ability it had no subject to do with the frequent nature of man.2 Another two passages expressed more directly Confucius opinion in this respect. On the basis of Confucius teachings, Mencius and Hsn-tzu veritable philosophies which some whiles were considered mutu merelyy complementary.As regards the theory of human nature, however, Mencius and Hsn-tzu obviously held incompatible views. The accomp eaching discussion exit try to show that Mencius theory of human nature as costly is in fact a theory of human knocker as good, and Hsn-tzus theory of human nature as evil is truly a theory of human desire as evil. These two theories atomic number 18 not necessarily contradictory, since they sh ar the same underlying idea that human nature tends toward goodness. To clarify this point, we exit lay more stress on the works of Mencius and the Chung-yung which directly elaborated on this idea than on those of Hsn-tzu an d the I-chuan which received this idea in an implicit substance.MenciusEtymologi call outy, human nature (hsing) comes from birth or to be born with (sheng). The common discretion of this devise in antediluvian patriarch China can be formulated as follows The inborn is what is meant by nature (M, VI, A, 3).5 However, this consideration of the origin of nature exhibits moreover what a thing has or else than what a thing is it expresses at nigh(prenominal) the sameness kinda than the distinction of all things. In recount to de boundaryine what a thing is, it is necessary to know its essence the genus plus the difference of species. This recover, made beaten(prenominal) by Aristotle, was align also for Mencius. First, Mencius was quite aware that in traffic with anything of the same manakin, we must determine what this same kind means, and this is unconstipated more true when applied to man. Mencius said, Now, things of the same kind are all a wish. wherefore should we have doubts when it comes to man? The sage and I are of the same kind (M, VI, A, 7). The wicked, however, also belong to the same kind. Thus, in determining the essence of human beings, we should find the difference of species. Mencius said, Slight is the difference amidst man and the brutes.The common man loses this distinguishing feature, while the valet retains it. Shun soundless the way of things and had a keen insight into human relations. He followed the path of benignity and practicedeousness. He did not need to affiance benevolence and righteousness (M, IV, B,19). Cl ahead of time, the essence or the distinguishing feature of man must be unders as well asd by means of the clear difference amongst man and the brutes. The call downment ab reveal Shun is an lesson that benevolence and righteousness are the interior path of man, following which w hallucinating have a great effect. The implication of this whole sentence is belike that benevolence and righteousness belong to the slight difference.6 Another carve up exit also help clarify the distinguishing feature of man. A gentleman differs from other men in what he retains in his meaningnamely, benevolence and propriety (M, IV, B, 28). Granted that the human essence of man can be described as benevolence, righteousness, propriety, etc., how can common pack lose it? pile something be defined by a feature which can be baffled? The key to the answer lies in the idea of meaning, which is to be understood here as neither bodily core group, nor soul, but mind with sensitivity.Concerning human nature, Mencius presents his known theory of the four hemipterous insects of the heart, concluding as follows From this it can be seen that whoever is gratis(p) of the heart of compassion is not human, whoever is devoid of the heart of ruth is not human, whoever is devoid of the heart of courtesy and modesty is not human, and whoever is devoid of the heart of right and wrong is not human (M, II, A , 6). These four states of heart are named, in turn, the germs of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom (M, II, A, 6) within mans heart, which forms the difference of human beings. Human nature must be defined done this heart Mencius said, That which a gentleman follows as his nature, that is to say, benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom, is rooted in his heart (M, VII, A, 21). Therefore the goodness of human nature resides in the goodness of the heart. A reservation, however, must be added, namely, that goodness exists only in the state of germ and needs to be retained, nourished, and developed. In this way Mencius demonstrated that human nature is tending toward goodness.He did not stop at this point, but move to examine the nature and origin of the heart. Mencius affirmed that there is a appositeness for cultivation within the heart which makes it an evaluating heart. If this means an ability to be deterrent standard and human beings are moral agents ,8 does not its propensity for development entail in some sense a domineering heart?9 It must be the case, then, that the evaluating heart is at the same time the commanding heart, for otherwise how could Mencius honor as gentleman those who retain it? Only with this understanding does it accommodate meaningful to say that there is nothing better for the nurturing of the heart than to reduce the number of ones desires (M, VII, B, 35). Only if the heart does more than evaluate can Mencius say, The sole concern of learning is to go aft(prenominal) this strayed heart. That is all (M, VI, A, 11). On the basis of this double character of the heart, we can way further at the heart in itself.Mencius used one word conceiveing to sum up the function of the heart. He said, The electronic organ of the heart can figure. But it pull up stakes find the answer only if it does think otherwise, it leave not find the answer. This is what Heaven has given me (M, VI, A, 15). By olibanum expl aining the source of the heart, especially its function of commanding, he bridges the gap between Heaven and man. Therefore, instead of stating that Mencius substitutes self-legislation for external divine command, we prefer to say that mans self-legislation is bestowed on him by Heaven.10 The relation between Heaven and man is another interesting topic in Mencius mentation, but is beyond the cranial orbit of the present essay. What we have established thus far is that the reason why human nature tends toward goodness consists in its relation with Heaven. Better cognize in China as Master Meng (Chinese Mengzi), Mencius was a stern-century BCE Chinese mind whose importance in the Confucian tradition is second only to that of Confucius himself.In galore(postnominal) ways, he played the role of St. Paul to Confucius Jesus, interpreting the thought of the master for subsequent ages while simultaneously impressing Confucius ideas with his own philosophic stamp. He is around famou s for his theory of human nature, according to which all human beings share an innate goodness that either can be courteous through education and self-discipline or squandered through discount and negative influences, but never lost altogether. While it is not clear that Mencius views prevailed in early Chinese philosophical circles, they eventually won out afterward gaining the actualize of influential medieval commentators and thinkers such as Zhu Xi (Chu Hsi, 1130-1200 CE) and Wang Yangming The Mencius of History equivalent the historic Confucius, the historical Mencius is a vailable only through a schoolbookbook that, in its complete form at least, postdates his traditional behaviortime (372-289 BCE). The philological controversy surrounding the date and composition of the text that bears his name is far less intense than that which surrounds the Confucian Analects, however. Most scholars agree that the entire Mencius was assembled by Mencius himself and his immediate dis ciples, perhaps shortly after his death. The text records several(prenominal) encounters with various regulations during Mencius old age, which can be dated between 323 and 314 BCE, making Mencius an active figure no later than the late fourth century BCE. The other major source of information rough Mencius life is the biography found in the Shiji (Records of the Grand Historian) of Sima Qian (c. 145-90 BCE), which states that he was a indigene of Zou (Tsou), a small state near Confucius home state of Lu in the Shandong peninsula of northeastern China.He is said to have studied with Confucius grandson, Zisi (Tzu-ssu), although most ultramodern scholars doubt this. He also is thought to have become a minister of the state of Qi (Chi), which also was famous as the home of the Jixia (Chi-hsia) Academy. The Jixia Academy was a kind of early Chinese think tank sponsored the ruler of Qi that produced, among other thinkers, Mencius later opponent Xunzi (Hsun-tzu, 310-220 BCE). Mencius inherits from Confucius a coif of terms and a series of problems.In general, one can say that where Confucius saw a unity of inner and outer in terms of li (ritual propriety), ren (co-humanity), and the junzi (profound person)-xiaoren (small person) distinction Mencius tends to privilege the inner aspects of concepts, practices, and identities. For Mencius, the locus of philosophical activity and self-cultivation is the xin (hsin), a term that denotes both the chief organ of the circulatory system and the organ of thought, and hence is translated here and in umteen other sources as heart-mind. Mencius views of the divine, political organization, human nature, and the path toward personal development all start and end in the heart-mind. .TheodicyAgain, as with Confucius, so too with Mencius. From late chow chow tradition, Mencius inherited a great many ghostly sensibilities, including theistic ones. For the early Chinese (c. sixteenth century BCE), the world was controlled by an all-powerful deity, The Lord on juicy (Shangdi), to whom entreaties were made in the runner known Chinese texts, inscriptions found on animal bones offered in divinatory sacrifice. As the Zhou regulation emerged and triumphed over the previous Shang tribal rule, Zhou apologists began to regard their deity, Tian (Sky or Heaven) as correspondent with Shangdi, the deity of the deposed Shang kings, and explained the decline of Shang and the rise of Zhou as a answer of a change in Tianming (the enactment of Heaven). Thus, theistic justifications for victory and rulership were present very early in Chinese history. By the time of Mencius, the concept of Tian appears to have changed slightly, taking on aspects of fate and nature as well as deity.For Confucius, Tian provided personal support and sanction for his sense of historical mission, while at the same time prompting Job-like anxiety during moments of ill fortune in which Tian counted to have attached him. Mencius faith in Tian as the ultimate source of legitimate moral and political authority is unshakeable. Like Confucius, he says that Tian does not speak it simply reveals through deeds and personal business (5A5). He ascribes the sexual moralitys of ren (co-humanity), yi (rightness), li (ritual propriety), zhi (wisdom), and sheng (sagehood) to Tian (7B24) and explicitly compares the rule of the moral king to the rule of Tian (5A4). The dependence of Tian upon human agents to put its will into practice helps account for the speech pattern Mencius places on the satisfaction of the people as an indicator of the rulers moral right to power, and on the responsibility of morally-minded ministers to depose an unworthy ruler.In a dialogue with King Xuan of Qi (r. 319-301 BCE), Mencius says The people are to be valued most, the altars of the grain and the land traditional symbols of the vitality of the state next, the ruler least. Hence lovable the favor of the common people you become emperor butterf ly. (7B14) When the ruler makes a serious mistake they admonish. If after repeated admonishments he still will not listen, they depose him. Do not think it strange, Your Majesty. Your Majesty asked his servant a question, and his servant dares not fail to answer it directly. (5B9) Mencius replies to King Xuan are bracingly direct, in fact, but he can be coy. When the king asks whether it is true that various sage kings (Tang and Wu) rebelled against and murdered their predecessors (Jie and Zhou), Mencius answers that it is true. The king then asks Is it permissible for a vassal to murder his lord?Mencius replied, One who robs co-humanity ren you call a footpad one who robs the right yi you call a wrecker and one who robs and wrecks you call an outlaw. I have heard that Wu punished the outlaw Zhou I have not heard that he murdered his lord. (1B8) In other words, Wu was morally justified in executing Zhou, because Zhou had proven himself to be unworthy of the throne through his off enses against ren and yi the very qualities associated with the Confucian exemplar (junzi) and his actions. This is an example of Mencius engaging in the rectification of names (zhengming), an exercise that Confucius considered to be preliminary to all other philosophical activity (Analects 13.3). While Mencius endorses a right of revolution, he is no democrat.His ideal ruler is the sage-king, such as the legendary Shun, on whose reign both divine sanction and popular favorable reception conferred legitimacy When he was put in adulterate of sacrifices, the hundred gods glad in them which is Heaven pass judgment him. When he was put in charge of affairs, the affairs were in holy regularise and the people satisfied with him, which is the people accepting him. Heaven gave it the state to him human beings gave it to him. (5A5) Mencius is famous for claiming that human nature (renxing) is good. As with most reductions of philosophical positions to bumper-sticker slogans, this st atement oversimplifies Mencius position. In the text, Mencius takes a more careful send off in order to arrive at this view. Following A. C. Graham, one can see his argument as having three elements (1) a teleology, (2) a virtue theory, and (3) a moral psychology.ConfuciusBetter known in China as Master Kong (Chinese Kongzi), Confucius was a fifth-century BCE Chinese thinker whose influence upon East Asian intellectual and social history is immeasurable. As a culturally symbolic figure, he has been alternately idealized, deified, dismissed, vilified, and rehabilitated over the millennia by both Asian and non-Asian thinkers and regimes. attached his extraordinary impact on Chinese, Korean, Japanese, and Vietnamese thought, it is ironic that so brusk can be known about Confucius. The tradition that bears his name Confucianism (Chinese Rujia) at last traces itself to the sayings and biographical fragments recorded in the text known as the Analects (Chinese Lunyu). As with the pe rson of Confucius himself, scholars disagree about the origins and character of the Analects, but it be the traditional source for information about Confucius life and teaching.Most scholars uphold confident that it is possible to extract from the Analects several philosophical themes and views that whitethorn be safely attributed to this ancient Chinese sage. These are primarily ethical, rather than analytical-logical or metaphysical in nature, and include Confucius claim that Tian (Heaven) is adjust with moral order but dependent upon human agents to actualize its will his concern for li (ritual propriety) as the instrument through which the family, the state, and the world may be aligned with Tians moral order and his belief in the contagious nature of moral force (de), by which moral rulers spread morality to their subjects, moral parents raise moral children, and so forth.The Confucius of the Analects in a higher place all else, the Analects depicts Confucius as someone wh o transmits, but does not pioneer (7.1). What Confucius claimed to transmit was the Dao (Way) of the sages of Zhou antiquity in the Analects, he is the erudite protector of tradition who challenges his disciples to emulate the sages of the past and restore the moral integrity of the state. Although readers of the Analects often assume that Confucius views are presented as a coherent and tenacious system within the text, a careful reading reveals several divers(prenominal) sets of philosophical concerns which do not conflict so much as they complement one another. Those familiar with Enlightenment-influenced presentations of Confucius as an austere humanist who did not discuss the supernatural may be surprised to encounter the term theodicy as a framework for understanding Confucius philosophical concerns. Confucius record of conquer on the subject of the divine is attested by the Analects (5.3, 7.21, 11.12). In fact, as a child of the late Zhou world, Confucius inherited a grea t many religious sensibilities, including theistic ones. For the early Chinese (c. 16th century BCE), the world was controlled by an all-powerful deity, The Lord on High (Shangdi), to whom entreaties were made in the first known Chinese texts, inscriptions found on animal bones offered in divinatory sacrifice.As the Zhou polity emerged and triumphed over the previous Shang tribal rule, Zhou apologists began to regard their deity, Tian (Sky or Heaven) as synonymous with Shangdi, the deity of the deposed Shang kings, and explained the decline of Shang and the rise of Zhou as a consequence of a change in Tianming (the mandate of Heaven). Thus, theistic justifications for conquest and rulership were present very early in Chinese history.By the time of Confucius, the concept of Tian appears to have changed slightly. For one thing, the ritual coordination compound of Zhou diviners, which served to ascertain the will of Tian for the benefit of the king, had collapsed with Zhou rule itself . At the same time, the network of religious obligations to manifold divinities, local spirits, and ancestors does not seem to have ceased with the fall of the Zhou, and Confucius appears to uphold sacrifices to gods and ghosts as consistent with transmitting statuesque tradition.Yet, in the Analects, a new aspect of Tian emerges. For the Confucius of the Analects, discerning the will of Tian and accommodate it with his own moral compass sometimes proves to be a disturb exercise If Heaven is about to abandon this culture, those who die afterwards will not get to share in it if Heaven has not all the same abandoned this culture, what can the men of Guang Confucius adversaries in this instance do to me? (9.5) There is no one who recognizes me. I neither resent Heaven nor blame humanity. In learning about the lower I have understood the higher. The one who recognizes me wouldnt that be Heaven? (14.35) Heaven has abandoned me Heaven has abandoned me (11.9)As we all know that Menciu s several times throughout Chinese history has been regarded as a potentially dangerous author, leading at times to outright banning of his book. This is because Mencius developed a very early form of what was to be called in modern times the social contract. Mencius, like Confucius, believed that rulers were divinely placed in order to guarantee peace and order among the people they rule. Unlike Confucius, Mencius believed that if a ruler failed to bring peace and order about, then the people could be light of all loyalty to that ruler and could if they felt strongly enough about the matter, revolt. I surmise if we go into details, it will probably take us months or maybe even years before finishing this comparison. I personally felt that Mencius and Confucius did not share nearly the same feelings for what was the most important unit in a society. I believe Confucius set up the belief of Emperor, Master, and Father.Basically, all subjects were obliged to the orders of the Emperor . All students were required to follow the footsteps of their Masters. In the same way that all children should obey their fathers commands. If at any given time these orders came in conflicts with one another, then everyone must assume to put the Emperors demands above everything else. Perhaps, this concept was one of the of import reasons why Confucianism was promoted as the states ideology during the reign of Han Wudi. On the other hand, Mencius had a whole different view. Mencius insisted that People came first Empires/Nations were only second, while the Emperor was the least important. Well I am surely that not too many people would be happy to hear this argument let alone agree. This concept will definitely sojourn rebellions against a tyrannical ruler. The Emperor was working in the best interests of the people. Without the peoples support, the emperor had surely failed his duties as the leader. While Confuciuss theory I think that Confucius was more correct in his view s than Mencius, not because of differing views (although they did differ at certain points), but because of the way these ideas were carried out throughout his career, and ultimately, his life.Confucius was a Chinese thinker and philosopher. His philosophy emphasized personal and governmental morality, correctness of social relationships, and justice and sincerity. These value gained prominence in China over other doctrines, such as Taoism during the Han Dynasty. Confucius thoughts have been developed into a system of philosophy which has come to be known as Confucianism. It was introduced to Europe by Matteo Ricci, who was the first to come up with the Latin name Confucius. His teachings may be found in the Analects of Confucius, a collection of brief aphoristic fragments, which was compiled many years after his death. For nearly 2,000 years he was thought to be the editor or author of all the Five Classics, such as the Classic of Rites and the rally and Autumn Annals, but this w as not the case as many of these fragments cannot be directly credited to Confucius because of lack of written proof. Confucius was born in 551 BC in the Lu state of China, born into a warrior family.His father, Shulianghe, was a famous warrior who fought in the chinese military, and owned a large portion of land. Confucius lost his father when he was three years old, and then his mother Yan Zhengzai took him and left over(p) his fathers land because, as a concubine, she wanted to vacate the scorn from Shulianghes real wife. Therefore, Confucius lived in poverty with his mother since childhood. With the support and encouragement of his mother, Confucius studied hard as a child. When Confucius was seventeen, his mother died as a result of illness and exhaustion. Three years later, Confucius married. Though he had a good wife who loved him, he left his family to pursue his philosophical goals. Confucius sought to revive the As we all know that Mencius several times throughout Chines e history has been regarded as a potentially dangerous author, leading at times to outright banning of his book. This is because Mencius developed a very early form of what was to be called in modern times the social contract.Mencius, like Confucius, believed that rulers were divinely placed in order to guarantee peace and order among the people they rule. Unlike Confucius, Mencius believed that if a ruler failed to bring peace and order about, then the people could be absolved of all loyalty to that ruler and could if they felt strongly enough about the matter, revolt. I surmise if we go into details, it will probably take us months or maybe even years before finishing this comparison. I personally felt that Mencius and Confucius did not share nearly the same feelings for what was the most important unit in a society. I believe Confucius set up the belief of Emperor, Master, and Father. Basically, all subjects were obliged to the orders of the Emperor. All students were required to follow the footsteps of their Masters. In the same way that all children should obey their fathers commands.If at any given time these orders came in conflicts with one another, then everyone must choose to put the Emperors demands above everything else. Perhaps, this concept was one of the main reasons why Confucianism was promoted as the states ideology during the reign of Han Wudi. On the other hand, Mencius had a totally different view. Mencius insisted that People came first Empires/Nations were only second, while the Emperor was the least important. Well I am sure that not too many people would be happy to hear this argument let alone agree. This concept will definitely tolerate rebellions against a tyrannical ruler. The Emperor was working in the best interests of the people. Without the peoples support, the emperor had certainly failed his duties as the leader.